…Lebanon
Communiqué issued by M. Bernard Kouchner, Minister of Foreign and European Affairs - Paris, June 13, 2007
I am deeply shocked to learn that there has just been a new bombing in Beirut killing several people, including the Member of Parliament Walid Eido, his son, and two people close to him.
I utterly condemn this heinous, cowardly crime. The perpetrators must be found and punished.
France, with the international community, is at Lebanon's side in the face of these repeated destabilization attempts. Those behind them must know that they will not achieve their goal.
It is now more than ever time for the Lebanese, of every faith, to come together, and for the resumption of a political dialogue, the only solution to end the crisis.
France will pursue her efforts to this end and firmly maintain her policy of promoting Lebanon's unity, stability and independence./.
Press briefing given by Foreign Ministry spokesperson – June 15, 2007
Q: Is there a detailed list of the Lebanese delegation that’s coming next week?
I don’t have a detailed list. Mr. Cousseran’s mission is continuing. As you may know, he was in Cairo yesterday where he met Egyptian Foreign Minister Aboul Gheit. He’s also going to Washington Monday for talks at the State Department. Consultations are continuing, and there may be other trips for Mr. Cousseran.
For the time being we’re not at the stage where we can have a list of the participants, nor a date for that matter.
Q: You’ve said repeatedly that it’s not an international conference. Why is Mr. Cousseran going around the world getting the opinions of all these countries?
That doesn’t change the nature of the exercise. It is definitely an informal meeting, and we don’t wish either to raise too many expectations for the meeting. The gathering is intended to create a positive and constructive climate, but that doesn’t prevent us from conferring with our partners, first of all the Lebanese, and that’s what Mr. Cousseran has been doing and also talking about matters with the Americans and other if they want to.
Q: Is there resistance?
There is no resistance but one has to explain the objective of the meeting, the spirit in which it is being organized. That’s Mr. Cousseran’s mission.
Q: Among the people you’ve contacted with a view to the meeting, have any refused? Among the answers, are they all positive?
Our approach has been to ask the 14 parliamentary groups represented in the Lebanese parliament, which took part in the Lebanese national dialogue, to appoint representatives. That’s our approach as far as the political forces are concerned. To my knowledge, there’s no political group that has refused to take part in the exercise.
Q: (…) Can you tell us in what way you’ve modified your initial plan?
Several of Mr. Cousseran’s interlocutors strengthened us in our conviction that the whole exercise should remain informal, which is what we had kept in mind. But we read many things if I may say so especially in the Lebanese press, that do not completely correspond to reality. So the very informal nature of this meeting has to be insisted on. We are convinced that it is definitely the right approach.
Q: Why are you not proposing a date? Are you going to announce it when everyone’s in the plane, the day before?
A timeframe has been envisioned, and we now have to set a more precise date.
Q:That’s surprising because you’ve already announced the invitations you sent. Mr. Cousseran has been to Lebanon. Mr. Kouchner has talked with all the parties concerned. I understand it’s difficult to say exactly who is coming to Paris, but is it true that the parties have confirmed they will attend?
That’s the sense we have at this time, unless there are new developments. We will announce the meeting in due course.
Q: You announced a week ago that there’d be meeting, and we’d like to have more details.
You know the participation being considered, you know the subject, which is the consolidation of the Lebanese state. What’s missing are the more practical details of time and place, but you will be told these details at a later date.
Q: Do you have details about the participants from civil society?
The idea for civil society is really to have a small number of representatives who are recommended by our embassy, people whom Mr. Cousseran spoke with during his visit. There may also be some individuals known to the minister since he himself knows a number of people in Lebanon, including in civil society.
Q: You mentioned Mr. Cousseran’s visit to Cairo and you said he met Aboul Gheit. He also met the Arab League secretary-general. Can you tell us what they talked about and who else he’s going to meet?
I believe that Mr. Cousseran saw Mr. Moussa.
Q: And where might he go besides Washington?
If he goes anywhere else, we’ll let you know.
Q: Will he be going to Damascus?
No, as we said yesterday, there is no plan for him to go to Damascus.
Q: The Americans have warned their nationals to be careful about traveling in Lebanon. Have you issued similar advisories?
We have permanent safety advisories on our site for French citizens, and I believe that there were recently updated in the wake of the latest bombing. As far as we are concerned, they are essentially advisories to be vigilant and cautious. That means limiting travel as much as possible, including within the country./.
…Kosovo
G8/Press briefing given by M. Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the Republic (excerpts) - Heiligendamm, June 8, 2007
Q: Knowing that in many foreign policy areas you share the US approach, is France ready, like the United States, to take on board this plan B – i.e. recognize Kosovo's independence without a resolution at the Security Council? Officials in Priština have told us that adoption of this proposal would be a betrayal. How will you explain to your Kosovar friends that you don't mean to betray them by taking that decision?.
(…)
THE PRESIDENT – As regards this resolution, I think that France has really done enough and is continuing to do enough for her to be given credit for sincerity. A resolution voted on, or more exactly presented and then vetoed by the Russians, would lead to an inextricable situation in Kosovo. What would then be the legal status of the forces over there? I'd like that explained to me.
There would be European countries recognizing Kosovo's independence, others disputing it. What would be the legal status at that point since the new resolution wouldn’t have been adopted, because of the possible, probable Russian veto? What's the legal status of the troops there? What would the Kosovars gain by that? I'd like someone to explain the situation to me.
I'm still convinced that we have to remain united, that the future goal is Kosovo's independence. I said this extremely frankly to Mr Putin. The question I ask myself is "is it really not in our interest to wait for a few weeks or months to find a consensual solution, or do we want to go ahead without one?". I think it's in our interest to find a consensual solution.
I defended the principle of clearly recognized and guaranteed independence for Kosovo. I really believe that this is the only reasonable position. It's up to us to exert pressure simultaneously on the Kosovars whom we have helped a lot, and on the Serbs who have to understand that, regardless of the outcome, they will be living side by side, it's a geographical reality.
I don't believe it's in our interest to rush things. Now, as you know, the commonsense solution isn't always adopted. At all events, I've looked at the inextricable situation Kosovo would find itself in if we wanted to go ahead without a consensual solution. This is all the same something we need to think about; everyone knows what the problem is.
(…)
My commitment to Kosovo's independence, sovereignty, is well known, it's ineluctable. I even said to Mr Putin that Yugoslavia was no more. When he said there's a risk of other regions asking for the same conditions, I told him no. I even went as far as telling him that Yalta was no more. Do we need to do this now or should we give ourselves six months?
We can also reflect on this, it isn't absurd. That's what I think.
I recognize that the situation there is extremely complicated. But, now that Mr Putin has said that what’s most likely is that he’ll use a veto, I say that we must, all the same, reflect. It’s not a matter of giving in to threats but simply trying to get people to come together so there’s no resumption of what would be bloody clashes in this part of the Balkans. That’s what I think, and there’s no question of any betrayal, how can that be said vis-à-vis a country with 2,000 troops there (…).
I suggested [a delay of] six months with a principle, that of independence, so that Priština and Belgrade talk to each other. This seems extremely reasonable to me. It may be too ambitious for some, what do you want me to say? Anyway, the Russian President should also clearly see the realities here.
Interview given by M. Jean-Pierre Jouyet, Minister of State for European Affairs, to “i>TELE” (excerpts) – Paris, June 12, 2007
(…)
Q: Nicholas Burns, Condoleezza Rice's deputy, was saying that the important issue for him in Europe at the moment was the Balkans. He's very worried about what’s happening in Kosovo, the Americans have virtually declared Kosovo's independence. In your view, can this destabilize the European Union? Can it create a new crisis over there? Is it being talked about in Brussels?
THE MINISTER – There are obviously contact groups and we are talking about it. Clearly, independence seems inevitable. Establishing independence is an extremely important matter, delicate to manage, which can indeed contribute to tension. We'd like there to be negotiated solutions. And to get these negotiated solutions, to avoid the tensions you are talking about, we have to find a way of not rushing things. But Europe will get involved, particularly through an ESDP mission, which will be the largest civil mission launched by the European Union. That shows the importance of a resolution at the United Nations Security Council (…)./.
…Palestinian territories
Press briefing given by Foreign Ministry spokesperson – June 15, 2007
Q: There’s no longer any government office in Gaza. How is France planning to deliver aid to the Palestinians? Will it be obliged to talk to Hamas?
Before getting to the specific point about aid, I want to remind you that we issued a statement last night in which we cited our extreme concern at the situation of the Palestinian populations, given the chaos setting in in the Gaza Strip and what could be a destabilizing factor for the entire region.
France reiterates its full support to President Abbas, pillar of the democratic institutions of the Palestinian Authority. We express our support for his efforts to find a political solution to the crisis. We call on all the parties to stop the violence, to rally together and re-establish dialogue. France, in consultation with its principal partners in the international community, stands ready to make every effort to promote dialogue and peace.
That’s what we said last night, reaffirming without ambiguity our support for President Abbas. Now, it’s important to consider the support that we can give President Abbas and the Palestinian Authority. This will obviously be a subject of discussion at the general affairs/external relations council on Monday.
What we’re hoping is that the council makes a number of concrete gestures with respect to the Palestinian Authority. That it reaffirms its support to Mahmoud Abbas who unfortunately has had to cancel his visit to Paris on the 18th because of events. That it also expresses its willingness to offer him concrete support. At this stage, I am being fairly prudent because the discussions are taking place in Brussels, and I don’t want to anticipate what might be said on Monday.
You can see that there’s a whole range of questions. The question of financial aid that might be offered to the Palestinian Authority, the gestures that Israel might also be asked to make. Ms Livni will be in Brussels on Monday, and it’s a subject the minister could discuss with her. There is the question of unblocking the funds for the Palestinians and the movement of Palestinians which are very important issues. All these questions are being debated. I can’t tell you where we’ll be on Monday but in any case we’re going there with the idea of showing the European Union’s clear support for Mahmoud Abbas.
Q: I’m talking about Gaza and the two million Palestinians there who need urgent aid. What is France’s position?
You’re right. I was talking about the political aspect and the aspect concerning relations with Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian Authority. It is quite obvious that there is urgent concern about the Palestinian people. That moreover is how our statement yesterday begins. We express our concern with respect to the situation of the Palestinian population. What is important is first to deal with immediate aspects, humanitarian aspects.
There must be steps to stop the armed clashes. There have been some atrocities in the past few days, including against civilians, and of course we condemn them. And then the work of the humanitarian organizations must be facilitated as much as possible, especially UNRWA so that it can provide support to the people. You’re right, it’s an immediate concern, and we have to work on this aspect, including of course with the NGOs on the spot.
Q: Israel has a plan to cut the Gaza Strip and West Bank into two and prevent all movement between them. What is France’s position?
Whose position is it?
Q: The Israeli cabinet, I believe.
I’ve not seen anything about it specifically. I’ve seen reports in the press but no official Israeli statement. In principle, it’s not the kind of plan that we could support.
Q: You would be against it?
One can see what the political perspective is. We’ve always talked about the creation of a viable Palestinian state. There are a number of resolutions about the Territories, and of course these must be taken into account. The approach you mentioned just now would be very different from what has been followed by the international community so far.
Q: You mentioned actions that the EU and even France might take with respect to the Palestinian Authority. (…) What can France do individually and the EU collectively….?
The answer is very largely in the statement that we made yesterday, which I read. We consider that it’s President Abbas who is the pillar of the democratic institutions of the Palestinian Authority. Politically, it is important to reaffirm this.
Q: In practical terms, what can you do for him? (…)
…The idea is to stand by the side of Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinians. The financial aspects are obviously very important. With regard to the idea of a force, of observers, I have seen it mentioned in various quarters. One must obviously approach the idea with a certain caution. You can well imagine, in the present situation, sending in a force of observers to Gaza, without there being any political agreement first. It would be fairly complicated.
Of course we can still be ready to think about this kind of hypothesis. Mr. Solana said a few days ago there was matter for consideration. As is always the case, an international force or international observers cannot by themselves resolve a political problem. It’s important for them to be there to help implement a political agreement, but there still has to be a political agreement and agreement from the parties present.
Q: Are you seeing the failure of the roadmap and the Quartet’s policy?
What is happening in the Palestinian Territories is obviously not a very great success for anyone. But pointing a finger, saying that it’s a failure due to this or that doesn’t make much sense. There’s a raft of factors that have put us where we are, for which the Palestinians themselves bear considerable responsibility all the same. One shouldn’t always think that the international community is responsible for everything.
Attention now has to be directed to what we can do to re-start things. There were some interesting initiatives recently, especially the revival of the 2002 Arab peace initiative in Beirut. One perhaps has to think in that direction again. But it is obvious that we are faced with a situation in the Palestinian Territories which doesn’t encourage this kind of development.
Q: Is France going to ask for a ministerial-level Quartet meeting after what’s happened?
This will be one of the aspects that we’ll probably be discussing on Monday. Obviously the international community has to discuss the new situation in the Palestinian Territories. We’ve had contacts with some of our international partners and the minister will be having contacts with some of his counterparts before and during the general affairs council. There’s also the Arab League meeting that is due to be held in Cairo today which is to deal with both Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories.
Q:What’s the fate of the European observers after the occupation of the Rafah crossing?
As far as I know, they are not at the Rafah crossing at this time, and the mission for now is not active for security reasons, given the circumstances. But we’re not giving up on the mission.
Q: Are France and the EU worried that what is happening in Gaza will spread to other regions in the Middle East?
If you re-read our statement, we say that the situation in Gaza could be a destabilizing factor for the entire region. What is happening is in effect very damaging to the Palestinian Territories and may have repercussions in the region.
Q: What are you going to do about it?
I refer you to what I have just said. Everything must be done, in the Palestinian Territories and elsewhere, to encourage the moderates, to strengthen them. We’ve said that all along in this matter of the Palestinians.
We’ve said all along that one shouldn’t play the ‘politique du pire’ and it was very dangerous to pursue an all-or-nothing policy. That’s the reason, once the national unity government was formed, we had welcomed the Palestinian foreign minister to Paris and urged resumption of direct aid and support for the moderates.
Q: Have you commented on the Alvaro de Soto report? (…)
It’s a report which expresses its author’s views. We probably have an interest in reading the report closely. What I can say is that obviously it raises questions which may be good ones.
Second, there’s little point in making accusations, as I was saying a moment ago. It doesn’t have much interest retrospectively. It’s just that there are questions that appear to be raised in the report which may have a certain interest.
Q: The Palestinian prime minister has said Abbas’ decision to dismiss the government wasn’t constitutional and is therefore invalid. He says he’s staying in office…. How is France going to deal with that question?
We don’t want to get into this debate. We support President Abbas’ efforts to stabilize the institutions and we encourage all political solutions that will bring the Palestinians together. We support the efforts of the president of the Palestinian Authority to find a political solution to this crisis.
Q:…Will the EU resume direct aid soon and do you think it’ll stabilize the situation?
You mustn’t mix everything together. What the EU froze yesterday or the day before are projects in the Gaza Strip for reasons having to do mostly with security conditions.
Our position on direct aid has been well known for several weeks. We have kept on saying that we were in favor of the resumption of direct aid. So now we have to see what the situation is in the wake of the events. The situation is complex from this point of view. We have to see how it can be done in practical ways and what the situation is, and this will be discussed at the general affairs/external relations council on Monday.
But concretely for the past several weeks, we have been urging a resumption of direct aid to the Palestinian Authority. Except that now we are faced with a new situation. All this is being discussed in Brussels. So one has to approach the question with certain prudence.
Q: What’s going to be France’s message to Ms Livni in Luxembourg on Monday?
I believe first that the events in the Palestinian Territories are going to largely dominate Ms Livni’s talks with her European counterparts. The message the Europeans will convey, and the Israeli themselves are saying this, is that the chaos in the Palestinian Territories is in no one’s interest. I saw yesterday that my counterpart at the Israeli Foreign Ministry had said so. No one has an interest in chaos in the Territories, and we’ve been saying that for weeks, for months. It is imperative that everyone realizes this, including the Israelis, and they make certain gestures on their side.
Q: What gestures?
The gesture that were agreed in a meeting between Mr. Olmert and Mr. Abbas several weeks ago concerning the release of the blocked funds, and the free movement of people and goods. These are gestures that would reinforce the Palestinian moderates.
Q: Is it conceivable in the future to help the Palestinian Authority of Mahmoud Abbas militarily?
It’s already been done by certain partners in the international community. Once again, we want to strengthen the Palestinian Authority overall which doesn’t preclude strengthening the security forces, which the US in particular has done.
Q: Is there a diplomatic office or consulate in Gaza?
We have a consulate general in Jerusalem whose jurisdiction covers the Territories. We have a cultural center in Gaza and a consular office.
Q: This doesn’t raise problems of recognition now that the Authority isn’t there?
That’s not the main problem. Let’s see to the security conditions first, including the safety of the few French citizens
we have locally. And then try to move forward on the political front.
Q: Do you think the solution is to pressure the Israelis on setting up a Palestinian state?
Obviously, the solution is political first of all. I’ve just said as much ,and that we’re going to be conveying messages to Ms Livni. The international community is going to mobilize on a political point of view.
There have to be gestures towards the Palestinians, a re-launch of the peace process, progress towards the prospect of a viable Palestinian state.
Q: When you say you give your full support to Mr. Abbas, does that mean that you consider the decisions taken yesterday are the right response to events?
I’ve already answered that, I’m not going to get into this debate about the decisions taken yesterday, but in general we support the action of President Abbas.
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